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Contents: List of illustrations. Acknowledgements. Introduction: A complex opening. 1. India and Islam. 2. Jenabhai to Jinnah: the journey. 3. The Turbulent twenties. 4. Sharpening focus -- narrowing options. 5. A short decade -- a long end game. 6. Sunset of the empire -- post-dated cheque on a collapsing bank . 7. A war of succession -- diverging paths. 8. Stymied negotiations? 9. Mountbatten Viceroyalty: the end of the Raj. 10. Pakistan: birth -- independence: the Quaid-e-Azam s last journey. 11. In retrospect. Appendices. Endnotes. Index. "No Indian or Pakistani politician/Member of Parliament has ventured an analytical, political biography of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah, about whom views necessarily get divided as being either hagiographical or additional demonology. The book attempts an objective evaluation. Jaswant Singh s experience as a minister responsible for the conduct of India s foreign policy, managing the country s defence (concurrently), had been uniformly challenging (Lahore Peace Process; betrayed at Kargil; Kandahar; The Agra Peace Summit; the attack on Jammu and Kashmir Assembly and the Indian Parliament; coercive diplomacy of 2002; the peace overtures reinitiated in April 2003). He asks where and when did this questionable thesis of Muslims as a separate nation first originate and lead the Indian sub-continent to? And where did it drag Pakistan to? Why then a Bangladesh? Also what now of Pakistan? Where is it headed? This book is special; it stands apart, for it is authored by a practitioner of policy, an innovator of policies in search of definitive answers. Those burning whys of the last sixty-two years, which bedevil us still. Jaswant Singh believes that for the return of lasting peace in South Asia there is no alternative but to first understand what made it abandon us in the first place. Until we do that, a minimum, a must, we will never be able to persuade peace to return. (From book jacket)
- Sales Rank: #1790858 in Books
- Published on: 2009-08-08
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.50" h x 6.25" w x 1.75" l, 2.51 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 669 pages
Review
The book is well researched and the author has argued his case in a manner that makes readers question their assumptions. That in itself suffices as a raison d'etre for this important project, which deserves - and is likely to attract - a wide readership. Amit Julka, South Asia Research A very important book Eastern Eye Unique [and] well-documented Salil Tripathi, The Independent Botehr historically and politically, [Singh's] is a remarkable study. It sheds light on the complexities of a situation which still, today, remains volatile and apparently insoluble. --Joan Stephens, Leicester Mercury
About the Author
Jaswant Singh (born 3 January 1938) is an Indian politician. He is from the Indian State of Rajasthan and was an officer in the Indian Army in the 1960s. He served as Finance minister in the short-lived government of Atal Bihari Vajpayee, which lasted just from 16 May 1996, to 1 June 1996. After Vajpayee became Prime Minister again two years later, he became Minister for External Affairs of India, serving from 5 Dec. 1958 until 1 July 2002. Responsible for the foreign policy, he dealt with high tensions between India and Pakistan. In July 2002, he became Finance Minister again, switching posts with Yashwant Sinha. He served as Finance Minister until the defeat of the Vajpayee government in May 2004 and was instrumental in defining and pushing through the market-friendly reforms of the government. Known for his moderate political views, he is a self-described liberal democrat even though the Bharatiya Janata Party is often described as a right-wing nationalist organization. He was conferred the Outstanding Parliamentarian Award for the year 2001. On 19 August 2009, he was expelled from BJP after criticism over his remarks in this book.
Most helpful customer reviews
73 of 85 people found the following review helpful.
Finally, someone has the balls to speak the truth
By Rakesh K. Simha
Mohammed Ali Jinnah is painted as the villain of India's partition in 1947, the man who stabbed the Indians in the back and walked away with a fifth of the ancient country's landmass. He's reviled as the traitor who created Pakistan, which has ever since been a festering wound in India's nationhood. But Jaswant Singh, an aristocratic former Indian foreign minister, shows there were several players more culpable - the British, the Congress Party leaders such as M.K. Gandhi, and Muslim leaders carrying the traits of today's Islamic terrorists. Look at it this way: when Kashmir (which is 90% Muslim) finds it impossible to secede from India, how could Muslims who comprised only 24% of undivided India have demanded Pakistan? The demand for Pakistan was made by elements that Gandhi encouraged and Jinnah initially abhorred. The responsibility for India's vivisection lies with the Congress and British, not with Jinnah.
Jaswant Singh's "Jinnah: India-Partition-Independence" gives a brilliant account of the machinations and mistakes that happened behind the scenes. You could call it the first book on Indian freedom that is a clean break from conventional history. A lot of books have been written (and some of them have taken the same view) but Jaswant Singh's words carry weight. He has no ax to grind, to use a cliche. He belonged to the right wing Hindu nationalist BJP party, so Jaswant defending Jinnah is a must read. In fact, he has been thrown out of the BJP after the publication of the book, leading to much turmoil in the party.
The Indian freedom movement was sweeping in its scope. From the tribesmen in remote hills to the broad streets of Mumbai, from the palaces of Indian maharajahs to the revolutionaries of Punjab and Bengal, all Indians were united in the belief that the oppressive British empire had to be defeated at all costs. But here Congress leader M.K. Gandhi differed from most Indians, including his colleague Muhammad Ali Jinnah.
When Gandhi returned from South Africa, he was in favor of continued British rule in India. In 1907 he wrote, "Should the British be thrown out of India? Can it be done, even if we wish to do so? To these two questions we can reply that we stand to lose by ending British rule and that, even if we want, India is not in a position to end it." These are the words of a man who was literally thrown out a train for sitting in a whites only coach. Indeed, Gandhi the votary of non-violence and peace urged all Indians to enlist in the British Army, which had been brutalising India for nearly two centuries.
Jinnah was frustrated by the tardiness shown by the Congress brass in demanding full freedom. Gandhi's non-violence exasperated him because it shielded the British from the wrath of the people. Jaswant Singh says that after the 1919 massacre in a public park in Punjab of over 2000 unarmed Indian men, women and children by British General Reginald Dyer, "Indian anger had reached critical mass, but Congress leaders failed to capitalize on it".
Next, the Caliphate Movement, which Gandhi backed to the hilt. While the Indian freedom movement aimed to replace British autocracy with Indian democracy, Gandhi shockingly wanted to replace Turkish democracy and nationalism with the caliph's autocracy. Few Indian Muslims had even heard of the caliph. It was an obscure battle between Turkey and Britain. By backing the Caliphate, Gandhi, who headed the Indian freedom movement, was ignoring the aspirations of the Arab states under Turkish yoke. Yet Gandhi, virtually alone among Hindu leaders backed it. Jaswant Singh writes: "In 1915 Gandhi told a group of students that politics should never be divorced from religion...The signal was picked by Muslims planning to marry politics with religion."
Jinnah had nothing but contempt for the Caliphate Movement. For the staunchly secular nationalist it was Indian nationhood alone that mattered, not an obscure European rivalry involving Britain and Turkey. Where Jinnah displayed farsightedness, wisdom and patriotism, Gandhi exhibited an opportunistic streak. Gandhi pigeonholed minority interests as separate from the larger national interest. Jinnah told Gandhi that the `Mahatma' had ruined politics in India by "dragging up a lot of unwholesome elements" and giving them "political prominence", "that it was a crime to mix up politics and religion the way he had done".
Jinnah's aversion for the Caliphate was vindicated when the Muslims of Kerala, a peaceful southern Indian state, massacred thousands of Hindu men, women and children. A chastened Gandhi soon gave up his support for the movement. He must have had egg on his face when the great Turkish nationalist Kemal Pasha abolished the Caliphate and banned the use of Arabic and the fez.
When Jinnah walked out of the Congress, it was not a walk toward Pakistan. Jaswant Singh says: "It could not be, for almost every Muslim was with Gandhi when Jinnah left the Congress."
Upon joining the Muslim League, Jinnah made it clear to its leaders that he would not compromise on the question of India's unity, that he would not attempt to break the union, that the League had to work with the Congress for India's freedom. He reminded them that the enemy was Britain not Gandhi.
Things, however, went horribly wrong. He wanted to create a new secular country of his dreams - Pakistan. The British - eager for a parting shot at the Indians - were only too happy to oblige. For over 80 years the British had been encouraging Muslim separatism. Perhaps they hoped to divide Hindus and Muslims and hoped to rule India ad infinitum; perhaps they were reconciled to someday having to leave India and did not want to leave this huge nation in peace because it would prosper and become a superpower. With an Islamic state to bait it constantly, India would be distracted from its great power destiny. Also, the British And their successors, the Americans) would have a satellite, a base, a vassal state in Pakistan. The British assuaged the humiliation of the retreat from India by carving a portion out of it for themselves.
Sadly for Jinnah, Pakistan has ended up becoming an albatross around the West's neck. More than that, the Indians who became Pakistanis have gained nothing from Pakistan. Would things have been better for Muslims without Pakistan?
It has taken a Hindu nationalist, Jaswant Singh, to defend the Muslim Jinnah. Now will a member of the so-called secular brigade do their bit to set right history? India's leftist scholars and leaders have turned history into hagiography, but facts rather than mythmaking should be the basis of history. As Jaswant Singh says in his book, "Facts are humbling. They prevent you from jumping to conclusions."
21 of 24 people found the following review helpful.
Jinnah: India, Independence, Partition
By Ehsan Mehmood Khan
Jaswant Singh's Book titled Jinnah, India, Independence and Partition, released on August 17, 2009, sixty years after the partition of Indo-Pak Subcontinent is an apt corrective by a top leader of an otherwise hard-line BJP to the make-believe history of partition. It speaks aloud and somewhat truly about the Indian mindset in defining moments of the mid-20th century. Without mincing his words, Jaswant Singh has squarely put the blame for partition of India in 1947 on Jawaharlal Nehru, Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel and the Congress rather than Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. In his book, he evokes momentous episodes that set in motion the movement for partition of India besides the "epic journey of Jinnah from being the ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, the liberal constitutionalist and Indian nationalist to the Quaid-e-Azam of Pakistan". The thesis followed by him, indeed, proves Jinnah not only the Quaid-i-Azam of Pakistan but also of the entire Subcontinent.
Jaswant Singh came across questions from various segments of India society including media and polity even before his book in question was released. During an interview with Karan Thapar in a CNN-IBN exclusive, Jaswant Singh was expressive in upholding his viewpoint saying, "I was attracted by his (Jinnah's) personality, which has resulted in a book. If I was not drawn to his personality, I would not have written the book... He [not only] fought the British for an independent India but also fought resolutely and relentlessly for the interest of the Muslims of India". On a question to whether Jinnah was a great man, he said, "Oh yes, self made man who resolutely worked towards achieving what he had set for himself." While referring to the plight of the Indian Muslims today, he said, "Look into the eyes of the Muslims that live in India and if you truly see through the pain in which they live in to [the] land which they belong; we treat them as aliens".
Jaswant Singh maintains, "...He (Jinnah) created something out of nothing and single-handedly stood against the might of the Congress and the British who didn't really like him...Gandhi himself called Jinnah a great Indian. Why don't we recognise that? Why don't we see (and try to understand) why he called him that?...I admire certain aspects of his personality; his determination and the will to rise. He was a self-made man. Mahatma Gandhi was the son of a Diwan. All these (people) - Nehru and others - were born to wealth and position. Jinnah created for himself a position. He carved in Bombay a position for himself. He was so poor that he had to walk to work...He told one of his biographers that there was always room at the top but no lift...and he never sought a lift". Jaswant Singh goes on to say that the Indian leaders had not only misunderstood Jinnah but made a demon out of him. According to him the demonisation of Jinnah was a direct result of the trauma of partition. Singh also said that the view held by many in India that Jinnah hated Hindus was a mistake.
Comparing the leadership of Gandhi and Jinnah, the book says, "[Gandhi's] had almost an entirely religious provincial flavour while [Jinnah's] was doubtless imbued by a non-sectarian nationalistic zeal". Jaswant Singh is certainly right to assert this difference between Gandhi and Jinnah on religious grounds. That's why Gandhi is both hailed and hated in India - hailed by some for being a great Hindu leader and hated by the others, especially the Dalits, for being proponent of Hindu caste system. By yet others, he is abhorred for aiding the making of Pakistan, as they believe so. This third view is even stronger about Nehru amongst educated Indians. Jaswant Singh somewhat maintains the same tinge. Jinnah too has two opinions about his personality in Pakistan. Some think him to be a liberal who wanted Pakistan to be a secular state and often refer to his August 11, 1947 speech to the Constituent Assembly to support their conjecture. The others believe that he was a religious person who wanted Pakistan to be a purely Islamic state. They too have a lot to quote from his speeches and communiqués. At any rate, he is adored and not abhorred by any segment of Pakistani society.
Anyway, Jaswant Singh's book would certainly occupy a principal place in the recorded history of partition of Indo-Pak Subcontinent. To note, he is not the only one from the BJP to have endorsed the Quaid and his feasts. Earlier while on a visit to the Quaid's Mausoleum at Karachi in June 2005, L. K. Advani had inscribed following words in the Visitors' Book, "There are many people who leave an inerasable stamp on history. But there are very few who actually create history. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammed Ali Jinnah was one such rare individual. In his early years, Sarojini Naidu, a leading luminary of India's freedom struggle, described Mr. Jinnah as an "Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity...My respectful homage to this great man". When he received criticism back home, he said, "I have no regrets". Likewise, on his visit to Minar-i-Pakistan on February 22, 1999, the then Prime Minister of India Mr. Atal Bihari Vajpayee had recorded these remarks in the Visitors' Book, "From the historic Minar-i-Pakistan, I wish to assure the people of Pakistan of my country's deep desire for a lasting peace and friendship...I have said this before, and I say it again, that a stable, secure and prosperous Pakistan is in India's interest...India sincerely wishes the people of Pakistan well". He too received a lot of criticism back in India but this did not budge him from his stance even by an inch.
In reality, Indo-Pak relations suffer from the pitfall of historical memories of the partition and more so by the conjured description of the events by pseudo historian, intellectuals and self-seeking politicians with run of the mill approach towards the issues affecting the common populace. India-Pakistan affairs have been especially hostage to the cold-blooded communal leaders and a better part of Indian media, who keep the case of communal divide alive even at the cost of misery of hundreds of millions. If a realization like Jaswant, Advani and Vajpayee takes root in India and people take lesson from whatever they expressed, albeit at the twilight of their political career, I am certain that India and Pakistan can soon take the road to reconciliation and thus resolution of everything that remains up in the air for last over six decades.
7 of 8 people found the following review helpful.
Honest and Objective Account of the Politics during Independence Struggle
By Amit Gupta
I decided to read the book after listening to all the controversy surrounding the book and the author. I found this book most honest and objective in its presentation of the facts about how the idea of Pakistan came about and how vague the idea actually was.
Politicians including Jinnah, Nehru, Gandhi, Patel, etc made colossal mistakes (though honest?) that resulted in unnatural and bitter partition of India.
Wonderful thing about this book is that the author throughout the book presents unbiased (?) account of the events as he sees them and let's the reader draw his own conclusions about the politics, politicians and their actions during pre-independence era. Author provides most of his own analysis only in the last chapter "Retrospect".
Author has been criticized for presenting a critical view of Sardar Patel but the reader will find that there is very little material on Sardar Patel and even that is objective presentation of facts. Sardar Patel is one of the most admired and astute politicians of that era but just like anybody else he was also prone to making mistakes which he did. But that doesn't mean that such mistakes made Sardar's greatness any less and I don't think the author had any such intension either.
Author does show his dislike of Nehru at times (rather justified in my opinion) but that still is mostly objective.
Author has successfully presented various facets of Gandhi's complex personality. He was a shrewd politician, master tactician, had great foresight yet he was sometimes rather deliberately aloof and distant from reality and practicality. Gandhi till the very end opposed the idea of partition and rightly so.
Lastly contrary to common belief the book is not a tribute to Jinnah by any means. The book gives elaborate account of different facets of Jinnah's political life but it is far from a tribute. The book is an attempt to understand the transformation of Jinnah from an ardent proponent of united India to Quaid-E-Azam of Pakistan.
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